Tag: gold

  • China imported 131,19 tonnes of gold in October

    China increased the import of gold through Hong Kong last month, according to the latest data from the Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department sent to Reuters. The gross gold import in the month of October came in at 147,92 tonnes, of which 131,19 tons remained as net import. China has imported more than 100 tonnes of gold each month in the past six months, way more than in previous years. And while gross imports were lower than the 223,5 tonne record high in March, net imports in October were on par at about 130 tonnes.

    In September gross imports from Hong Kong into China were at 116,3 tonnes and net imports amounted to 109,4 tonnes. The following graph shows that gross imports in the first ten months of 2013 have doubled compared to the same period in 2012. We are still accumulating net import data from last year. When we have those data, we will start publishing the net imports into China. Those figures are closer to the real gold demand from China.

    Gross Chinese gold imports in 2013 and 2012

    Gross Chinese gold imports in 2013 and 2012

    China imports a record amount of gold this year

    In the first ten months of 2013 China has imported a net amount of 957,22 tonnes of gold from Hong Kong. With two months to go it is quite obvious that China will surpass the 1.000 tonne estimate by the World Gold Council. Gross imports for this year stand at 1.262,82 tonnes, double the amount in the same period of last year. Whether net imports increased by the same amount remains to be seen, but the increase in 2013 is by all means very significant.

    The Chinese don’t seem to worry about the biggest decline in goldprice in years. Year to date the price of gold has dropped about 26 to 28 percent in euro’s, dollars and Chinese yuan. The Chinese government is promoting private ownership of gold and we expect the Chinese central bank to be adding gold to their reserves as well.

    Gold imports from Shanghai

    China does not publish data on the total imports of gold, but because most of the precious metal is imported through Hong Kong these data is used as a proxy for the Chinese gold demand. Last week Reuters published an article on direct Chinese gold imports through Shanghai, a growing import channel which was overlooked for a long time. According to research by Reuters, China imported about 133 tonnes of gold via this alternative route. The gold imports through Shanghai are expected to increase even further, because of strong demand for physical gold among the Chinese consumers. According to Philip Klapwijk, analyst at consultancy firm Precious Metals Insight, the increasing gold imports through Shanghai are the result of efforts by the government to promote gold ownership among the Chinese population.

    Gross and net imports of gold into China in 2013

    Gross and net imports of gold into China in 2013

  • Gold premiums in India rise to a record 20%

    While the goldprice on the world spot market is moving sideways, the price of gold in India is rapidly moving higher. The precious metal is in short supply, causing an upward pressure on the price of gold. To get your hands on some physical gold in India, you have to pay a premium of more than 20% nowadays. That’s twice the import duty of 10% on gold bars. Under normal circumstances the premiums on gold are very close to the import duty, as you can see from the graph below.

    In August, the import duty on gold bars was raised from 8% to 10%. But since October gold premiums started to rise rapidly beyond that percentage. The following chart from Chartsrus shows the movement in the Indian gold market.

    Gold close to record high in India

    The rising premiums and a weak rupee combined drive gold prices in India to record high levels. The yellow line in the graph below represents the gold price on the Indian gold market. Notice the difference between this yellow line and the blue line, which represents the gold price in dollars, converted to rupees. The difference is what we see on the red line in the bottom graph and is the margin Indian buyers pay at the jewelry store or to gold traders.

    ‘War on Gold’

    India is still waging a War on Gold, because gold shows the weakness in the currency. Massive imports of gold result in a substantial current account deficit, putting downward pressure on the value of the Indian rupee. The Indian government and central bank try to discourage people from buying gold by increasing import duties, restricting the maximum import quantities and banning the import of gold coins altogether.

    Gold premiums in India rise to a record 20%

    Gold premiums in India rise to a record 20% (Source: Goldchartsrus.com)

  • Graph: Quarterly gold demand in the past five years

    In the latest quarterly report (PDF) from the World Gold Council we found an interesting table containing the quarterly gold demand figures from the last five years. We have made a graphical representation of these data, so we can clearly see some significant developments in the physical gold market during this interesting period for the gold market.

    From this graph we can see the increasing demand for gold coins and bars (red) since Q3 2007. We can also see a huge liquidation of gold holdings from ETF’s (green) from the beginning of this year, which marks the end of a long trend of expanding ETF gold holdings. Last but not least, we see a shift in central bank trading on the gold market. Back in 2007, central banks were still selling a substantial amount of gold, but since 2012 they are net buyers. In fact, last year they bought the largest amount of gold since 1964!

    Demand for physical gold in the last five years, click for a full size graph

    Demand for physical gold in the last five years, click for a full size graph

  • Gold and the monetary system: The potential US-EU conflict

    Recently Marketupdate published (Dutch) a historical document about the European revaluation of gold reserves. In this article, we write about a conversation between Henry Kissinger and his advisors. Despite the depth of this article we were able to reach quite a substantial audience.

    A lot of time is involved in translating such articles from English to Dutch, but for our English speaking audience we can just copy and paste such documents and provide a brief introduction! 😀

    In the article below you read about the divergence arising between the United States and Europa during the seventies regarding the role of gold in the monetary system. To give a historical perspective on the situation: back in 1974 the US dollar was disconnected from gold, the goldprice was rising fast beyond the official $42,22 per troy ounce and inflation was on the rise. The oil producing countries wanted a better compensation for their oil, now the dollar was no longer backed by a promise to deliver physical gold. As a result, the price of oil started to increase as well, pushing consumer prices higher in both the US and Europe.

    The US wanted to remove the discipline of physical gold OUT of the monetary system, while they received news from Europe about plans to bring gold back IN the monetary system at a higher free market price. This way, gold could be used in international settlements among European countries. Especially Italy and France, countries with both a large deficit and a large part of their reserves in gold, wanted to return to a system in which they could activate their gold reserve to settle debts with other European countries. But they were reluctant to do so, because of the artificially suppressed price of gold of just $42,22 per troy ounce.

    A revaluation of gold was necessary for the European plan to work, but that would be against the interests of the United States. In the following article we can read how the United States analyzed this interesting situation. We have highlighted important parts of this document in green, while the most essential ones are green and bold.

    Please share this article if you liked it!

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    Gold and the monetary system: The potential US-EU conflict

    Washington, May 6th 1974

    This is a paper which we prepared for Secretary Kissinger giving some of our views on the gold question. We discussed it at a meeting for his background,2 without attempting to reach any conclusions. We would appreciate any reactions you have to the paper. The Secretary said he would most appreciate meeting with you and anybody else you wish to designate in about two weeks to talk out the issue and what might be done, using a revised options paper for this purpose. One option that is not included in the paper, but which should be for various reasons, is how to deal with thwarting the Europeans if they were to go ahead without us in a way which we felt was inimical to our interests.

    The Foreign Policy Context

    Within the next few months the long-standing U.S.-European dispute on the role of gold will probably be propelled from the back room to the main stage of our relationship. The stakes in this dispute are high, involving the long-run stability of the international monetary system and prospects for increased dissension within Europe and between Europe and the U.S.

    The Problem

    U.S. objectives for the world monetary system—a durable, stable system, with the SDR as a strong reserve asset at its center—are incompatible with a continued important role for gold as a reserve asset. These objectives are in apparent conflict with the EC desire to facilitate the use of gold in international transactions. There is a belief among certain Europeans that a higher price of gold for settlement purposes would facilitate financing of oil imports, although the argument depends on assumptions regarding producers’ attitude towards gold as an asset which may not be valid. Adamant U.S. insistence on maintaining the present fixed official price is likely to create international conflict with the EC, and may also lead to unilateral EC arrangements which would defeat our aims for the system.

    The Conclusion

    The U.S. objectives are important, and should not be given up, but they may be achievable without rigid adherence to the present fixed official gold price. Compromise proposals exist which would make adequate progress towards our objectives for the system while meeting principal EC needs. Since the EC is likely to set forth its proposals before the C–20 winds up its existence this summer, a U.S. position will be needed within the next several months. Tactically, it may also be preferable to discuss possible compromise proposals with one or more EC members before we are confronted with an EC position.

    Pressures are building within the EC for settlement of intra-EC balances with gold valued at the market price (or some other price substantially higher than the current official price of $42.20 per troy ounce). Unilateral EC action in this direction would run directly counter to the stated United States position on international gold policy. The EC reportedly will try to avoid a direct conflict through pressing for rapid resolution of the problem within the framework of the multilateral monetary reform negotiations. Therefore, the U.S. position needs to be re-examined in light of present circumstances. This memorandum examines the foundations of this potential U.S.–EC conflict on the gold question, and considers which negotiating positions among various options would best serve U.S. interests.

    Gold in the International Monetary System—The Issues

    Agreement has been reached in the C–20 monetary reform negotiations that the SDR should take the place once held by gold at the center of the world monetary system. However, there is still substantial disagreement on what the exact future role of gold should be—whether it eventually ought to be phased out of the system (the U.S. view) or retain an important function as a reserve asset and means of international settlement (the position of some European countries).

    U.S. interests in this question are in the establishment of stable, durable world monetary system, based on a strong SDR, which would avoid future monetary crises and conflict, such as those that have plagued the Bretton Woods system in recent years. In our view a system which included gold as a major reserve asset alongside SDRs would be inherently unstable, just as bimetallism was in the U.S.

    This inherent instability stems from the fact that gold is traded as a commodity on a private market at a variable price subject to the vagaries of world production (largely Soviet and South African) and sales, and of demands by hoarders and speculators. With a fluctuating, and generally rising, free market for gold, a permanently fixed official price is simply not credible, and becomes less so as the gap between private and official prices widens. If, however, the price at which official transactions in gold are made were to be periodically adjusted to the market price, then an unstable situation would rise as between gold and SDRs.

    At the present time, the value of the SDR is fixed in terms of gold. However, it has been generally agreed in the C–20 that the new SDR should not be related to gold, but rather to a basket of currencies. In this case, a changing price at which official gold transactions take place would create capital gains (or losses) for gold holders as compared to SDR holders, stimulate speculative central bank demand for gold, and weaken the SDR.4

    Gold versus the SDR

    It is the U.S. concern that any substantial increase now in the price at which official gold transactions are made would strengthen the position of gold in the system, and cripple the SDR. If international liquidity were injected via gold, there would be little likelihood of new SDR allocations.5 There also would be reduced incentive to sell gold on the private market even after an official price increase since central banks would cling to their gold in expectation of further official gold price increases. In addition, too large an increase in world liquidity might add to inflationary dangers. Finally, the distribution of the increase in world reserves would be highly inequitable, with eight wealthy countries getting three-fourths, while the developing countries would get less than 10 percent (see attached table). Producing countries (the USSR and South Africa) would benefit from the implicit floor put under the free-market gold price.

    To encourage and facilitate the eventual demonetization of gold, our position is to keep the present gold price, maintain the present Bretton Woods agreement ban against official gold purchases at above the official price6 and encourage the gradual disposition of monetary gold through sales in the private market. An alternative route to demonetization could involve a substitution of SDRs for gold with the IMF, with the latter selling the gold gradually on the private market, and allocating the profits on such sales either to the original gold holders, or by other agreement.

    European views on the role of gold in the world monetary system vary considerably. The British and Germans, on one hand, generally agree in principle to the desirability of phasing gold out of the system. On the other end of the spectrum, the French have been the main proponents of a continued important role for gold in the system.

    Support for a continued role for gold in the system is based in large part on the belief that “paper gold”—the SDR—does not command sufficient confidence and acceptability to replace gold completely in the system. There is, in fact, still a considerable emotional attachment to gold as a monetary asset, and a basic distrust of bank or paper money not having intrinsic value.

    On the other hand, most European officials recognize the basic problems involved in a combined SDR–gold reserve asset system. Belgian Finance Minister De Clerq,7 for example, speaking at the IMF annual meetings in September stated:

    Any redefinition of the role of gold must be based on the principle stated above: that SDR must become the center of the system and that there can be no question of introducing a new form of gold– paper and gold–metal bimetallism, in which the SDR and gold would be in competition.

    Immobility of gold

    Despite these differences among member countries, the EC position has begun to coalesce around their desire to free gold for use in settling intra-EC debts—a problem raised by the present “immobilization” of gold which has resulted from the wide disparity between the official and free market gold prices. Monetary authorities have been unwilling to use their gold holdings to settle official debts at a price far below the free market price. This has been a problem particularly for the EC, whose rules under the “snake” arrangement require that final settlement of debts arising out of intervention to support intra-EC exchange rates must be made in reserve assets in proportion to the composition of reserve holdings. (This “immobility” is, of course, an example of the difficulties inherent in a system in which gold retains a reserve currency role alongside another reserve asset.)

    To some extent, the immobility of gold reserves as a means of payment is a result of self-imposed restraints. Countries are free to use reserve currencies and SDRs to settle debts. Moreover, countries are now free to obtain additional currencies (and realize substantial capital gains) through sales of gold to the private market. The EC problem is a result of their particular rules for settlement, which reflect the interest of creditor countries in receiving gold and applying discipline to deficit countries. It is also a result of their reluctance, so far, to sell gold on the private market. The reasons for this reluctance are probably related to the unsettled status of gold in the system, the basic attraction of gold, the expectation of future price increases, and the “thinness” of the private gold market.

    Nor is it clear that European countries would give up gold even after a price increase, since one increase may lead to an expectation of further increases. Even under the Bretton Woods system, the Europeans did not often give up gold to settle deficits.

    The “immobility” problem is of particular concern to the French and Italians, who have substantial outstanding EC debts and especially high proportions of their reserve assets in gold. Recently, with the private price continuing to rise, and final decisions on monetary reform apparently further off than previously thought, other EC countries are coming around to the French-Italian view that this problem must be resolved. However, the Germans and British, in particular, are concerned that the solution be accomplished in a way which would not antagonize the United States. They wish to settle this issue in the C–20 multilateral context, if possible. Failing agreement there, the EC might feel free to unilaterally make some regional arrangement.

    Various European proposals have been made to deal with the gold issue. The basic French proposal in the C–20 was simply to increase the official price of gold although this may have been made with tongue in cheek and received no support other than from South Africa. Other European proposals, and the stated French fallback position, have been variations on the idea that the official price of gold be abolished, leaving the SDR as the sole numeraire of the system, and that monetary authorities be free to deal at a negotiated price, or at a price related (perhaps at a discount) to the private market price. In the version reportedly recently proposed to the EC by the UK, such an arrangement would be combined with coordinated central bank sales to the private market. Another possibility reportedly being considered is to have the Italians, who have the greatest need, sell gold on the private market by themselves to avoid unduly depressing the market. The French version of this proposal would allow central banks either to buy or sell gold on the private market (obviously in order to avoid depressing the private market and to keep or augment the role of gold in the system).

    In lieu of a general agreement permitting official transactions in gold at a price higher than the official price, some EC countries have proposed special arrangements to deal only with the intra-EC problem. Such proposals have heretofore been shelved by a combination of technical problems, and an unwillingness to take unilateral action of doubtful legality and offensive to the United States. Most recently, the EC Commission has proposed a system which would in effect set a higher provisional price, to be corrected when agreement is reached on a new price for gold.

    Both the European C–20 proposal and the intra-EC proposals would fall short of a generalized increase in the official price of gold. However, each would amount to a generalized de facto, if not de jure,8 official price increase, and strengthen the role of gold in the system. A system of sales, but no purchases, to the private market would mitigate this tendency.

    Gold for Oil

    The recent oil price increases have added a new dimension to the gold issue, and in the view of some European officials, relegated the intra-EC problem to a secondary position. Although mobilization of gold for intra-EC settlement would help in the financing of imbalances among EC countries, it would not, of itself, provide resources for the financing of the anticipated deficit with the oil producers. For this purpose, it would be useful if the oil producers would invest some of their excess revenues in gold purchases from deficit EC countries at close to a market price. This would be an attractive proposal for European countries, and for the U.S., in that it would not involve future interest burdens and would avoid immediate problems arising from increased Arab ownership of European and American industry. (The Arabs could both sell the gold and use the proceeds for direct investment, so that the industry ownership problem would not be completely solved.)

    From the Arab point of view such an asset would have the advantages of being protected from exchange-rate changes and inflation, and subject to absolute national control. Some European officials are thinking in terms of clearing the way for such transactions (which would now be forbidden by IMF rules). It has been argued that Arabs would only be interested in buying gold at near the market price if they could obtain assurances of some sort of floor price. We have received word that such a proposal is being floated within the German Government.

    From the standpoint of international liquidity needs, a reasonable case can now be made for a generalized gold price increase, since the probable payments patterns stemming from the higher oil prices (overall deficits for Europe and Japan) may lead to a reduction in world reserve liquidity. However, from the U.S. viewpoint (as well as many countries without large gold holdings) substantial new SDR allocations would be preferable when new liquidity creation is needed.

    Options for U.S. Negotiating Policy on Gold

    Since the U.S. is likely to be presented with pressure to acquiesce in some arrangements to meet the European objectives sketched out above, it is important that we reconsider what our own negotiating posture should be.

    At either end of the spectrum of possible negotiating positions are the following:

    Option 1: Continue adamant opposition to any proposal involving an increase in price at which monetary authorities carry out transactions in gold.

    Advantages: If successful, we will keep gold from regaining strength as an international reserve asset, maintain the strength of the SDR, and probably eventually obtain the demonetization of gold and a more rational, stable international monetary system.

    Disadvantages: The EC may then go ahead with its own arrangements which would amount to a virtual de facto increase in the official gold price, with undesirable effects on the world monetary system and lead to increased U.S.–EC conflict and bitterness.

    Option 2: Acquiesce in a European-type plan involving abolition of the official price, permitting settlement of official balances at a negotiated price, with a “sales only” rule for transactions in the private market.

    Advantages: This would be somewhat preferable to a plan involving an outright increase in the official price, and would maintain an avenue for demonetization through one-way sales to the private market. The SDR would become the sole numeraire of the system. In the short run, tensions with Europe over monetary issues would be reduced. The increase in de facto liquidity might be helpful in present circumstances, and gold sales to the Arabs might help finance western balance of payments deficits.

    Disadvantages: This has most of the disadvantages discussed above of (and may in fact lead to) an outright increase in the official price of gold. We may thereby lose the opportunity to build a stable and rational world monetary system, with adverse long-term consequences involving monetary instability and conflict.

    The disadvantages to each of these options are such that a search for additional options is justified. Intermediate options do exist which have the potential of meeting EC objectives of mobilizing gold in the short run, while maintaining the desirable trend towards gold demonetization.

    Option 3: Complete short-term demonetization of gold through an IMF substitution facility. Countries could give up their gold holdings to the IMF in exchange for SDRs. The gold could then be sold gradually, over time, by the IMF to the private market. Profits from the gold sales could be distributed in part to the original holders of the gold, allowing them to realize at least part of the capital gains, while part of the profits could be utilized for other purposes, such as aid to LDCs.

    Advantages: This would achieve our goal of demonetization and relieve the problem of gold immobility, since the SDRs received in exchange could be used for settlement with no fear of foregoing capital gains.9

    Disadvantages: This might be a more rapid demonetization than several countries would accept. There would be no benefit from the viewpoint of financing oil imports with gold sales to Arabs (although it is not necessarily incompatible with such an arrangement).

    The only important disadvantage of option 3 would be its likely unacceptability to countries who would prefer to cling to gold for traditional reasons. But it would show our sensitivity to the immobility problem, and be a good initial bargaining position. We might, in the end, have to fall back on a fourth option:

    Option 4: Accept a European-type arrangement in which the official gold price was abolished, and official transactions at a market-related price were permitted, but with agreement that a certain portion of gold be given up to an IMF substitution facility, and that gradual further substitution of SDRs for gold would take place over a longer period of time. (One possible rule among many could be that countries should keep the nominal value of their gold holdings fixed at present levels with any increases in value coming from price increases offset by substitutions. Another variant on this proposal would have countries agree to pre-determined, gradual direct sales to the private market. Again, profits could be shared between gold holders and others.

    Advantages: This would provide adequate momentum towards gold demonetization while providing relief to gold immobility problems. It seems somewhat more compatible with gold sales to the Arabs, if this is desirable. It may be negotiable.

    Disadvantages: It is somewhat less desirable for the medium-term workings of the system than option 3.

    Conclusions

    The U.S. objectives in reducing the role of gold in the world monetary system are worthwhile, but they may be achievable without insisting on adherence to the present fixed official price of gold. Moreover, such a stand might unnecessarily create international friction. Compromise proposals exist which have good prospects for achieving our objectives for the system while meeting the principal EC requirements. We should be prepared to use these compromises in the near future.

    Tactics

    Negotiation in a broader IMF forum is likely to be a very divisive and contentious process unless based on a prior U.S.-European understanding. The Europeans, however, are not united, although working on a common substantive position. We could wait for this position to develop further or proceed now with bilateral contacts with one or more EC members. Our waiting to be confronted with the EC position puts the French in a strong position through their veto over any departure from the agreed EC line. The gold issue would be an appropriate one to pursue in bilateral contacts with the Germans and British, both of whom could probably agree to options involving more modest flex in our traditional position than the French or Italians want. But there is, of course, no guarantee that the British and/or Germans could carry the resulting compromise in Brussels. Nevertheless, working out a compromise with some of the major Europeans could reduce the prospects for a U.S.–EC standoff, while leaving a substantial intra-EC disagreement to be bridged by the Europeans.

    1. Source: National Archives, RG 56, Office of the Under Secretary of the Treasury, Files of Under Secretary Volcker, 1969–1974, Accession 56–79–15, Box 1, Gold—8/15/71–2/9/72. No classification marking. A stamped notation on the note reads: “Noted by Mr. Volcker.” Another notation, dated March 8, indicates that copies were sent to Bennett and Cross.
    2. The paper was discussed with Kissinger at a Department of State staff meeting on March 6. The summary attached to the front page of the meeting’s minutes notes that Kissinger decided: “That a small State–Treasury group, to include Volcker be assembled to refine the choices in the EB paper and report back in two weeks. The revised paper should include the options of possible unilateral EC action vis-à-vis gold prices and in relation to oil import costs as well as US responses to abort or penalize such action (EB action).” (Ibid., RG 59, Transcripts of Secretary of State Kissinger’s Staff Meetings, 1973–1977, Entry 5177, Box 2, Secretary’s Staff Meeting, March 6, 1974)
    3. Confidential.
    4. If a fixed SDR–gold price were to be maintained, and periodic free-market related adjustments in the official prices of gold were to be made, then the currency value of the world’s primary reserve assets would be tied to a price set on a volatile, unstable market. [Footnote is in the original.]
    5. As can be seen from the table at the end of this memorandum, official gold reserves are now valued at $43 billion at the $42.20 per ounce price. The free market price is almost four times the official price. [Footnote is in the original. The table is attached but not printed.]
    6. The French have stated that they do not consider the IMF Articles as binding under present circumstances (the U.S. having suspended its convertibility obligation). We consider the Articles still binding. Other countries have not yet taken a position. [Footnote is in the original.]
    7. Willy de Clercq was the Belgian Minister of Finance and Deputy Prime Minister.
    8. Under the present IMF Articles of Agreement, a generalized gold price increase (uniform par value change) would require approval of countries representing 85% of the IMF weighted voting power. Thus we have the power to block any legal change. [Footnote is in the original.]
    9. The additional SDRs might be quite acceptable since, for a time at least, they would be “backed” by IMF gold holdings. Some gold “backing” could be maintained until prejudices against paper money waned—in a manner similar to the evolution of domestic monies. [Footnote is in the original.]

    Source: History.state.gov

     

    Europa and the US are still battling about the role of gold in the worldwide monetary system

    Europa and the US are still battling about the role of gold in the worldwide monetary system

  • Central banks bought a small amount of gold in September

    Central banks have bought a very small amount of gold during September, according to data from the IMF. From the list of central banks that have been buying gold in 2013, Turkey added most to their reserves in September (+3 tonnes). A very small amount compared to the almost 24 tonnes bought by the Turkish central bank one month earlier. Countries like Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan also bought some gold in September, 2,6 and 1,03 tonnes respectively. The Kyrgyz Republik bought about 64 kilograms, while Serbia and Belarus added about 32 kilograms to their reserves.

    Which central banks have bought gold in 2013?

    These numbers are actually too small to mention, but we really want to draw your attention on the following graph we made. This graph adds up all the gold buying by central banks in 2013, up to the latest September data. Of all central banks worldwide (excluding China), Turkey bought the largest amount of gold. In second place there is Russia, followed by Kazachstan and South-Korea.

    Which central banks bought gold in 2013?

    Which central banks bought gold in 2013?

  • China imported 116,3 tonnes of gold in September

    China imported 116,3 tonnes of gold in September

    According to the latest data from the Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, China has imported 116,3 tonnes of gold from Hong Kong during the month of September. Gross imports went down a little compared to the month before, but compared to September last year it was almost 67% higher. Net imports, the figure which is adjusted for the exports of gold from China back to Hong Kong, came in at 109,6 tonnes during September. A small drop compared to the net imports of 110,2 tonnes of gold in August.

    Chinese gold imports in 2013 and 2013

    Chinese gold imports in 2013 and 2013

    China continues buying gold

    The Chinese don’t seem to bother with the decline in gold prices during this year. Quite the opposite is true, because the gross gold imports of China are 1.114,9 tonnes so far this year. Compared to last year, we are talking about an increase of 91,6% in gross gold imports. Earlier this year, the World Gold Council predicted net gold imports in China to surpass the 1.000 tonnes. With total net imports at 826,3 tonnes in the first nine months of this year, this target will probably be reached quite soon.

    During September, the price of gold declined for the first time in three months. Gold premiums during this month went down as well, according to Bloomberg. The average premium on gold was $8,97 per troy ounce in September, compared to $13,57 per troy ounce in August.

    This year gold prices are down almost 20% in dollars and more than 23% in euro’s. However, large gold markets like China, Russia and India keep buying a lot of gold. Especially China, which doubled gold imports compared to last year…

  • Jim Sinclair: “Gold will be $50.000 per troy ounce”

    Jim Sinclair expects a dollar crisis which will end in hyperinflation, because the confidence in the currency will ultimately disappear. Nobody knows when it will happen, but Sinclair is convinced it will be a sudden event. In a long interview with Greg Hunter from USAWatchdog Sinclair tells the audience that hyperinflation in the USA could start any day from now. The economic recovery in the US is weak at best, at the expense of unprecedented fiscal and monetary stimulus. If the recovery doesn’t gain momentum, the people will loose confidence in the dollar.

    According to Sinclair, gold is an excellent hedge against a currency crisis. He expects the downward trend in the price of gold to end, because the people who own the physical gold will be hesitant to sell at the low price. While investors and savers get out of paper gold schemes such as ETF’s, they will find out that the supply of physical gold has dried up! This will ignite a supply-driven revaluation of gold. Freed gold (freed from the numerous paper derivatives) will be priced at about $50.000 per troy ounce, according to Jim Sinclair.

    Jim Sinclair: “No confiscation, but a windfall tax on gold”

    Despite the extreme revaluation of gold in the scenario mentioned above, gold will not be confiscated. Sinclair believes there will be a taxation on the windfall profits instead. How this will play out remains to be seen. The world monetary system has no direct link between gold and money, which was the case in both 1944 and 1971. Watch the whole Jim Sinclair video below.

  • Central banks lost confidence in gold?

    The Belgian site Moneytalk published a tendentious and misleading article about gold sales by central banks. In the article “Central Banks of Russia and Mexico are reducing gold holdings” they state that central banks lost their confidence in the yellow metal. They refer to the latest IMF figures, which show a sale of the public gold holdings in Russia, Mexico and Canada. Russia sold gold for the first time in more than one year. Combined with sales from the Mexican and Canadian central bank, the author states that central banks have lost their appetite for gold.

    Moneytalk is quoting analyst Peter Richardson from JP Morgan. He states that central banks went through “a lot of turmoil” in the past months and tells Moneytalk that central banks could have lost faith in the precious metal.

    Misleading information regarding gold

    The article on Moneytalk excels in vagueness and brings the reader to erroneous conclusions regarding gold. We can say that, because we use the relevant statistics from the IMF. These figures indeed show that Russia, Mexico and Canada have sold some of their reserves…

    • The reserves of Russia shrank from 1049,69 tonnes to 1049,304 tonnes, a decline of 0,037%.
    • The Mexican reserves went down from 127,799 to 127,671 tonnes, a decrease of 0,1% in total holdings.
    • The Canadian pile of yellow metal shrank from 321,51 to 315,07 kilograms, a 2% drop.

    In total, these three central banks sold just over half a tonne of gold in September of 2013. We cannot consider this a substantial reduction in gold holdings, let alone drawing conclusions about central banks appetite for gold as a hedge against currency risk. To put the sale of gold into perspective, we made a chart for the audience. The black slice represents all the metal sold in September by the Russian central bank. In red, you see their total gold stock in tonnes.

    Gold sales by the Russian central bank

    Russian central bank sold some gold

  • Dr. Zijlstra’s Final Settlement: Gold as the Monetary Cosmos’ Sun

    Whenever I am in Amsterdam, I go to a bookstore and browse the second-hand shelves in the economics section. Recently I found two books by Dr. Jelle Zijlstra: “Dr. Jelle Zijlstra, Conversations and Writings” (1979, second edition) and “Per Slot Van Rekening” (1992, fifth edition). The latter title is a Dutch figure of speech that may be translated as “The Final Settlement.”

    By Jaco Schipper

    Jelle Zijlstra was a renowned Dutch economist and one of Holland’s finer statesmen. Early in his career in 1948, shortly after World War II, he became a professor, specializing in the velocity of money. By 1952 he was appointed minister of economic affairs, then Dutch treasurer from 1958 to 1963 and again from 1966 to 1967. During his last term as treasurer he led the Dutch Cabinet as prime minister as well until 1967, after which he became president of De Nederlandsche Bank (DNB). While president of the Dutch central bank he was appointed as the president of the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) as well, positions he held until his resignation in 1981.

    Dr_Jelle_Zijlstra

    You can read a little about this extraordinary man at Wikipedia here.

    In Zijlstra’s first book, “Dr. Zijlstra,” he writes about his career and his time as president of De Nederlandsche Bank and the BIS. While he was DNB president the international Bretton Woods agreement collapsed, and he goes into great detail about what happened. He writes about the “European” group’s interests, about the cultural and financial ties between Germany and the Netherlands, the relationships with France and Great Britain, and, of course, about the position of the United States.

    It gets especially interesting when Zijlstra writes about then-U.S. Treasury Undersecretary Paul Volcker and Federal Reserve Board member Dewey Daane of the Richmond Federal Reserve Bank. On the July 7, 1971, Volcker and Daane arrived in Amsterdam to urge the Dutch govement not to convert any more of its dollar reserves into gold.

    Zijlstra writes (p. 191): “From the beginning of 1971 we had already converted almost $600 million in retu for gold or an asset on an equal footing.”

    This phrase — “an asset on an equal footing” — is peculiar, since from an investor’s or central banker’s perspective there is no equivalent to physical gold. Let this be very clear: There is no asset that stands on equal footing with gold. You either own it or you do not.

    But central bank balance sheets account for official gold reserves under the description “gold and gold receivables” and apparently have done so back to times before Zijlstra became a central banker, before Bretton Woods collapsed. This is quite revealing.

    In the eyes of gold bugs, “gold receivables” is a bit of a contradiction in terms and has been the cause for much suspicion. Can we really trust the numbers on central bank balance sheets?

    The essence of this question is one of accounting, because gold reserves are either “allocated” or “unallocated.”

    The big difference is that when gold is “allocated” one has legal title to specific metal vaulted by someone else. But when gold is “unallocated” one has merely a fiduciary claim on a future delivery of gold. This implies counterparty risk.

    Zijlstra and Volcker: “Monetary Adversaries”

    As an economist, I knew of the visit by the U.S. officials in 1971. It is remembered by many Dutch economists because of Zijlstra’s famous anecdote about a conversation he had with Volcker, who went on to become Fed chairman.

    When Volcker visited Zijlstra as Treasury undersecretary, Volcker said, “You are rocking the boat.” Zijlstra replied: “If the boat is rocking because we present $250 million for conversion into gold or something that can be considered an equal asset, then the boat has already perished.” (P. 191.)

    Zijlstra refused to heed the U.S. request and converted DNB’s dollar holdings for gold. And since the reasons behind this “heavy American delegation” — as he described it — were quite obvious, he suspected that the gathering storm he had foreseen for some years was about to break loose. Or, as we say these days, he knew that “the fiat was about to hit the fan.”

    A Man of Precision and Conviction

    Also interesting about Zijlstra’s first book is that he is very detailed and precise in explaining his views. For example, he describes inflation as “the most gross social injustice” which “hits the less fortunate the most,” and he practiced what he preached.

    He explains how, as Dutch treasurer (1958-63 and 1966-67) he managed his Cabinet to be fiscally prudent, which he connects to his opposition to inflationary policies. To illustrate his objections, in his second book he writes:

    “Despite an additional flow of funds due to increasing retus on Dutch natural gas reserves and the second oil crisis, this Cabinet also proved it could grow hungrier while eating.”

    Also, and in this respect very typically, he defines the Dutch guilder in terms of gold: “F. 1 = 0.334987 grams of fine gold” (p. 181), and in a footnote on this page he included the numbers needed to calculate the value of the guilder after the 1978 devaluation: 0.13333 grams of fine gold.

    This points out something really important. Why does a central banker, a former BIS president, calculate the value of his currency in terms of gold when gold backing had been officially removed?




    "The Final Settlement"

    In Zijlstra's second book, "Per Slot Van Rekening," we find a very candid man, even contrarian. He gives a very precise description of how central bankers conduct their business and maintain their independence from govement interference. This makes this particular book so refreshing. For example, whereas conventionally monetary debasement is described euphemistically, Zijlstra explains what central bankers actually do, and more importantly, acknowledges that the price of gold is kept far too low. Central bankers have thus known what gold bugs long have been saying. Let me take this one step at the time. Dr. Zijlstra writes that revaluing is "'putting a bit more gold in your currency' so it becomes more valuable than other currencies. Summarizing: it is about the choice between 'adjustment' inflation or revaluation. Germany decided to revalue the German deutschemark on March 3, 1961, with 5 percent; we decided ... to follow. To my regret, then and still, Germany did not revalue more; I would have defended a revaluation of 10 percent zealously if Germany would have done so. ... A devaluation was more or less seen as a defeat, a testimonium paupertatis for a country." (p. 220.) Now that's a really honest way of explaining currency devaluation. But it gets far more interesting. Zijlstra explains his understanding of the role of gold in what he eloquently calls the international "monetary cosmos": Gold functions like the sun, with all currencies as planets orbiting around it, with only the sun in fixed position:
    "... It is perhaps nice to get into the role of gold and its meaning in the time before the monetary cosmos collapsed into more chaotic conditions. Throughout centuries gold was a protection against [natural] disasters, arbitrariness, and persecution. ... Because natural production levels hardly allow overproduction with substantial depreciating values as result; because it does not rust and, once produced, never perishes, excessive scarcity can never occur. That's why gold developed its image of solidity, stability, and reliability. ... Gold coins then have been used over the centuries as means of exchange in primitive currency frameworks and were later, with the development of paper money, seen as a reliable basis. In the heydey of the gold standard one could take a banknote to the central bank and -- if you would like that -- get gold in retu. The famous Englishman Beard Shaw once said one has the choice between the natural stability of gold and the natural stability of honesty and intelligence of govement. And he was of the opinion this choice was not hard." (p. 221.)
    Zijlstra explains how all this was relevant during his time as president of the DNB and during his presidency of the BIS. He explains that the United States was debasing the dollar. Most interestingly, Zijlstra writes about his idea of a solution for the "international chaotic non-arrangements":
    "A good solution would have been to drastically raise the price of gold, since it was extraordinarily peculiar that in the post-World War II world, in which everything became more than three to four times more expensive than in the 1930s, the price of gold remained the same. Actually, two things had to be done. The official gold price in all currencies had to be raised ('their gold content had to be reduced') and, beside this, the official dollar price of gold had to be raised extra, to allow the dollar to devalue against all other currencies". (p. 222.)

    Zijlstra writes about the American reaction to his proposals:

    "However, the Americans found this idea like swearing in a cathedral. Because, by that, the dollar would in regard to gold become second, and the American ideal was and is to have the dollar central in its role on the economic stage. As a consequence, there was only one exit and that was cutting the tie between the dollar and gold. That would eventually happen in August 1971 when President Nixon announced that the dollar was no longer convertible into gold. After increasing American pressure, step by step, the actual convertibility of dollars in gold was curtailed until it was formally ended." (p. 222.)
    But it gets even more interesting. Zijlstra wittingly or unwittingly confesses what most gold bugs assert. He writes: "An important step on this road was the creation of a whole new international monetary instrument, the SDR (Special Drawing Rights). This is about an inventive construction whereby 'something' is created out of 'nothing.' The International Monetary Fund would -- through precise administrative procedures -- create rights on the fund, with which central banks can settle their payments among each other. Those rights would -- according to certain measurements -- be credited to the members of the fund. The idea behind this was that it was expected that in due time there would be too little gold (I am inclined to say: what do you expect with such an artificially maintained, much too low gold price) to serve as 'international means of settlement.'" (p. 222.) This speaks for itself, but just in case you missed the elephant in the room of international finance, Zijlstra writes, even if it is in a mere aside, "Gold is artificially kept at a far too low price." He continues that the introduction of SDRs in 1967 was warmly welcomed, becoming soon "a fantasy for intellectuals" to have the SDR perform the function of the sun in the "monetary cosmos." But despite this warm welcome, the SDR went the way of the dodo bird. Zijlstra elaborates about the SDR that in the late 1980s and early 1990s, "we do not hear much of it. At first, it appeared as if the foremost Americans were enthusiastic proponents of this new international monetary instrument, but this proved to be pretence. They welcomed the SDR to move gold even further away. As soon as gold was removed as a central point in the international monetary framework, their love for the SDR disappeared. The SDR has become a piece for a museum." (p. 223.) And: "But in case there is no complete international means of settlement, no gold, no SDR, wherein should central banks settle? The logical end-piece of this development was giving up on fixed parities" to gold. "The currencies are currently exchanged on international markets. The resulting prices bring supply and demand in balance and there is no way of settling. No more cosmos, no sun with planets: All currencies are formally equal. One can buy and sell them on international currency markets." (p. 223.)
    "It may be so that in the formal sense of currencies one can say that all are equal, but that in reality it proves that some are more equal than others. The dollar is back as the material core of the international financial and monetary arrangements. That the countries of the EEG [currently the EU] have begun constructing their own monetary cosmos, I have mentioned already." (p. 223.)
    What most pundits are missing about Europe and the euro is what Zijlstra refers to: The euro has been established as a solution and is orbiting gold. Now if you took notice of the consolidated European Central Bank's system-wide balance sheet -- see here -- you can figure the shadow value of one euro in terms of grams of fine gold much as Zijlstra explains in his books. According to my calculation, with the ECB's gold holdings at 502.5 tons of gold, divided by the number of euros in circulation (note how all other balance sheet items are "denominated"), one will find that 1 troy ounce is worth the equivalent of around E55,000. And that's what you really want to make use of -- that is -- after everything else has failed. If there emerges an absolute need to fix the financial crisis, you can be sure of one thing: We'll have a pricing mechanism for physical gold at least.

    In tragedy lies humor

    Even humor finds its way into Zijlstra's second book, and something that is quite revealing as well. It also illustrates his adversarial relationship with Volcker, if one of a professional nature. When Zijlstra stepped down from the BIS presidency in 1981, Volcker, then chairman of the Fed, gave Zijlstra an "$DR Note of 10 billion" depicted here:

    Zijlstra_SDR_note_front

    The SDR banknote Volcker gave to Zijlstra

    The note is dated December 1981, carries a photo of Zijlstra's face, is signed by Volcker, and bears the legend: "The Fund May Prescribe ... As Holders ... Institutions [and Persons] that ... Perform Functions of a Central Bank for More than One Member." Zijlstra writes: "This gift has become a lasting memory of the feelings on both sides: It will never be something, respectively, it may never be something with the SDR."(p. 234.) Knowing his religious and, more generally, his Dutch background, I think this was Zijlstra's way of saying he appreciated Volcker's reflection and irony. The other side of the mock SDR note says: "To Meet the Need, As and When It Arises, for a Supplement to Existing Reserve Assets." In between it says: "1 SDR = 0.8886671 gram of fine gold(?)."

    Zijlstra_SDR_note_back

    We'll have to check some numbers, but perhaps we should make a contest for gold bugs to determine what's behind this calculation. For the question mark says a lot: Behind the scenes, central bankers were still discussing their currency values in terms of gold, at least into 1981 when Zijlstra stepped down as president of the BIS. By the way, on the left side of the mock SDR note, it says in small print: "This note is freely convertible into useable currencies at widely fluctuating rates." Zijlstra must have thought: "Funny money indeed!"

    Conclusion

    All this information Zijlstra shared in his books is quite something. During his terms in office central banks were converting their dollars into something other than real gold in possession and probably did so all along from the start of the Bretton Woods agreement in 1944. An asset "on an equal footing of gold" makes you think: You either have possession or not. Apparently central banks converted their dollars into something "funny." A real giveaway is that Zijlstra wrote this in the 1990s: "The gold price is artificially kept far too low." And most important, he has provided all the necessary information to reach the conclusion that central bankers are always evaluating their currency in terms of gold. Why? Because, before and after all has failed, gold is the sun in our "monetary cosmos." As a central banker Zijlstra was a statesman in heart and mind. His legacy and his insights are a tribute to honesty. He explained that we must not think of the dollar or any other currency as the sun of the "monetary cosmos" -- not anything but gold. Not the SDR either, just gold. This, in my opinion, is the essential point Zijlstra is conveying. He will not speak further. He died in 2001. May he rest in peace. He provided us with an enduring lesson. Two things were needed back then but are ever more desperately needed now. The official gold price in all currencies had to be raised ("their gold content had to be reduced") and the official dollar price of gold had to be raised extra, "to allow the dollar to devalue against all other currencies," to quote Dr. Zijlstra a final time. Now you know why you should own some physical gold. It is like the sun, which, in the end, we are all circling, whether we do so consciously, with acknowledgment, or in denial.

    About the author:

    Jaco Schipper is a Dutch economist who wrote this study for MarketUpdate.nl and GATA. His sources included: Jelle Zijlstra (1979), "Dr. Jelle Zijlstra -- Gesprekken en Geschriften samengesteld door Dr. G. Puchinger met bijdragen van Dr. W. Drees Sr.," Strengholt's Boeken (Naarden), second edition; ISBN: 90-6010-430-7, and Jelle Zijlstra (1992), "Per slot van rekening", Uitgeverij Contact (Amsterdam), fifth Edition; ISBN: 90-254-0181-3. The author is long physical gold (and silver) only."